Last week, the government announced that it would continue to
fight over contraceptive coverage with the Little Sisters of the Poor. The Little Sisters filed suit to obtain
injunctive relief from a federal mandate requiring employers to provide
contraceptive coverage for their female employees. I say “federal mandate” because this
requirement was not part of the text of the Affordable Care Act. Rather, the ACA required any “group health plan” to provide coverage
for certain “preventive care” without “any cost sharing.” 42 U.S.C. §
300gg-13(a). A federal agency, the
Health Resources and Services Administration, defined “preventative care” to
include FDA-approved contraceptive methods, sterilization procedures, and
patient education and counseling, including abortifacient “emergency
contraception” such as Plan B (the “morning-after” pill) and ella (the
“week-after” pill).
The Little Sisters maintain that this mandate would require
them to violate their religious beliefs, since they cannot appear to condone
practices that they view as life-ending. So they asked the court in Denver to
declare that applying the contraceptive mandate violates their rights under the
Religious Freedom Restoration Act and the First Amendment. The government has offered them a couple of avenues
of accommodation, rather than providing the contraceptive coverage themselves: the
Little Sisters can notify their third-party insurance administrator, they can
fill out a federal form notifying HHS that they are objecting on religious
grounds, or they may write a letter to HHS. In January, the Supreme Court ruledthat during litigation on the merits, the Little Sisters need not use the
government form or notify their third-party administrators directly: they could
simply notify HHS. But HHS has since
promulgated interim rules that dictate exactly what must be in the Little
Sisters’ letter to HHS: their name, the basis of their objection, what they
object to, the insurance plan name and type, and the name and contact
information for any of the third-party plan administrators.
The Little Sisters say that this “accommodation” changes
nothing in their appeal—they are still forced to comply with the mandate in
violation of their religious beliefs.
According to them, the government could have given them a religious
exemption (as it does for churches, but not Catholic hospitals or
schools). The government could have
exempted church insurance plans, like the one carried by the Little
Sisters. It could have simply provided contraceptives
to women itself, through Title X, tax incentives, or allowing the Little
Sisters’ female employees to purchase subsidized coverage on the government’s
own healthcare exchanges. Rather than do any of this, though, the government
requires a letter identifying the third-party administrators, which the
government will use to “offer those entities incentives to take action contrary
to the terms of the plan and religious beliefs of the Little Sisters.” The government
responds that the Little Sisters don’t need to notify their plan administrators
of their objections; after they send the letter to the HHS, the government will
do all of the notification for them. The government is also fighting against
any injunctions during litigation, since it is imperative that female employees
of the Little Sisters receive contraceptive coverage without delay.
First, fighting against the injunction seems disingenuous to
me. While so many parts of the Affordable
Care Act have been delayed in their implementation, why is contraceptive
coverage for the employees of the Little Sisters of the Poor such an urgent
need?
Second, I was familiar with this fight earlier, but I did
not know that the contraceptive mandate was not in the statutory text. This speaks to the vast administrative power
that was delegated by the Affordable Care Act. We should be especially wary of this, since
the people promulgating these regulations were not elected.
Third, I tend to err on the side of religious freedom. So what if it’s a one-page form? Or a letter that names plan administrators? If the government wants to force a religious
group to violate their beliefs, it better be for a compelling interest and the
law better be narrowly tailored. As the
Little Sisters point out, there are several different ways of serving the
interest of providing contraceptive coverage to their employees that do not
require them to provide it themselves.
This is a really interesting and unfolding story. I am trying to look at this from the government's angle..what principle are they holding a hard line to and what would they be giving up if they agreed that this mandate (and their accommodations) violated the first amendment?
ReplyDeleteAnd I'm not really sure if "government" is the perspective I'm looking at...but I guess I'm trying to look at those who are opposing the Little Sisters. Can we call that the "government"?
Lindsey,
ReplyDeleteIn this case, the "government" means the federal government, represented by United States attorneys and the assistant attorney general. The attorneys that are articulating the arguments against the Little Sisters are employed by the Civil Division of the U.S. Department of Justice.
While I can't completely figure out what principle they are holding a hard line to, I think that their reasoning is this: We have offered you accommodations. You can opt out of providing coverage by simply telling your insurer, or by sending us a form and we'll tell your insurer. But we are going to make sure that every woman has access to free contraception through her insurance. So if you have to bear downstream costs for that, so be it. It's pretty attenuated, anyway. It's not like we're making you hand out contraception yourself. This should be good enough.
Basically, I think it boils down to who decides when a religious belief is being burdened: the entity doing the burdening or the entity with the belief.
Ahhh I really like your last statement there. I think I will start using that when I'm thinking about things and in discussion!
ReplyDelete